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There were two things I yearned for in 1990. As a ten year old kid in the backseat, road trips from Colorado to Illinois meant hour after hour of staring at row after row of corn stalks. The boredom was palpable and the corn possibly responsible for a slight obsession with orderliness. If only there was a little TV that could help pass the time.
Oh, and how Encyclopedia Britannica must contain the answers to so many questions about the curious world out there. Were city streets really full of black-leather clad people standing around metal drums, garbage ablaze? (Rocky was particularly memorable.) What else lurked in the oceans and bounded across the savannas I saw when PBS’s Nature series happened to be on at the same time I sat in front of the TV? Alas, encyclopedias were too expensive for us.
36 years later, my under-13 kid struck up a conversation about the life spans of jellyfish. He said there were immortal species. Skeptical, I pushed back. His confidence didn’t waver because he “did his research.” He was right and I learned about the Turritopsis dohrnii.
They know more than I could have ever dreamed at that age.
There is always a way
Last week in Cabo, Mexico, an adult friend thought it would be hilarious to add El Mencho to a picture of our dinner outing, text it to his parents, and tell them we met a new “friend”. He asked ChatGPT to add El Mencho to a photo. It refused. My under-13 child said “oh, I got this”, found a photo of El Mencho, asked ChatGPT to add the person from the photo to the dinner party photo and voilà, we’re enjoying drinks with El Mencho. Our friend’s parents asked what’s wrong with him. I was an impressed Dad.
Kids are smart and easily learn how to work around restrictions.
The best intentions can produce unintended consequences
Colorado’s Senate Bill 26-051 and California’s Assembly Bill No. 1043 require operating systems to report age brackets to app stores and web sites. A person who creates an account on a computer is supposed to be 18 or older and attest to the age of the user they’re creating for themselves or their child. In practice, this means anyone under 18 isn’t supposed to create a computer account on their own.
Most System76 employees installed operating systems and created accounts on their computer when they were under 18. They did this out of curiosity. Many started writing software. Some were already writing operating systems. I’m sure the story is similar at most tech companies. Limiting a child’s ability to explore what they can do with a computer limits their future. Removing user limitations to the computer (proprietary software, locked-down platforms like Android and iOS) is why System76 exists.
If there is any solace in these two laws, it’s that they don’t have any real restrictions. There is no actual age verification. Whoever installed the operating system or created the account simply says what age they are. They can lie. They will lie. They’re being encouraged to lie for fear of being restricted to a nerfed internet.
A parent that creates a non-admin account on a computer, sets the age for a child account they create, and hands the computer over is in no different state. The child can install a virtual machine, create an account on the virtual machine and set the age to 18 or over. It’s a similar technique to installing a VPN to get around the Great Firewall of China (just consider that for a moment). Or the child can simply re-install the OS and not tell their parents.
These laws put children in an awkward situation. They’re already scrunching up their faces to lie to social media age-verification algorithms required in Australia.
It can get worse. New York’s proposed Senate Bill S8102A requires adults to prove they’re adults to use a computer, exercise bike, smart watch, or car if the device is internet enabled with app ecosystems. The bill explicitly forbids self-reporting and leaves the allowed methods to regulations written by the Attorney General. Practical methods for a bill of such extreme breadth would require, in many instances, providing private information to a third-party just to use a computer at all. Privacy disappears.
In a bizarre twist, under its current wording, a Linux distribution downloaded from the internet could technically make the downloader the “device manufacturer”. They are the entity responsible for providing a freely distributed operating system to the device. In practice, this type of language is rarely enforced. Nonetheless, it highlights how laws written for centralized platforms like iOS and Android struggle to define who is responsible in open computing ecosystems where anyone can install or distribute the operating system.
Liberty has costs, but it’s worth it
A centralized platform designed to control the activity of the user creates the environment where the centralized platform provider can themselves then be controlled by higher powers. Decentralized platforms and app stores, like Linux, are essential to the personal liberty of adults and children.
This extends to the potential of humanity itself. The computer is the most powerful and versatile technology we’ve ever created. It is a foundational technology that affects the progress of all other innovations. A platform that controls the user’s activity, and can itself be controlled, limits the user’s ability to contribute to our shared future. Many of the world’s best programmers started experimenting with computers as children.
In the case of Colorado’s and California’s bills, effectiveness is lost. In the case of New York’s bill, liberty is lost. In the case of centralized platforms, potential is lost.
Continuing to tighten the screws on access to the world will fail. Remember El Mencho. They’ll find a way.
The challenges we face are neither technical nor legal. The only solution is to educate our children about life with digital abundance. Throwing them into the deep end when they’re 16 or 18 is too late. It’s a wonderful and weird world. Yes, there are dark corners. There always will be. We have to teach our children what to do when they encounter them and we have to trust them.
Some of these laws impose requirements on System76 and Linux distributions in general. The California law, and Colorado law modeled after it, were agreed in concert with major operating system providers. Should this method of age attestation become the standard, apps and websites will not assume liability when a signal is not provided and assume the lowest age bracket. Any Linux distribution that does not provide an age bracket signal will result in a nerfed internet for their users.
We are accustomed to adding operating system features to comply with laws. Accessibility features for ADA, and power efficiency settings for Energy Star regulations are two examples. We are a part of this world and we believe in the rule of law. We still hope these laws will be recognized for the folly they are and removed from the books or found unconstitutional.
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Read the original on blog.system76.com »
Yesterday (March 4) Anthropic received a letter from the Department of War confirming that we have been designated as a supply chain risk to America’s national security.
As we wrote on Friday, we do not believe this action is legally sound, and we see no choice but to challenge it in court.
The language used by the Department of War in the letter (even supposing it was legally sound) matches our statement on Friday that the vast majority of our customers are unaffected by a supply chain risk designation. With respect to our customers, it plainly applies only to the use of Claude by customers as a direct part of contracts with the Department of War, not all use of Claude by customers who have such contracts.
The Department’s letter has a narrow scope, and this is because the relevant statute (10 USC 3252) is narrow, too. It exists to protect the government rather than to punish a supplier; in fact, the law requires the Secretary of War to use the least restrictive means necessary to accomplish the goal of protecting the supply chain. Even for Department of War contractors, the supply chain risk designation doesn’t (and can’t) limit uses of Claude or business relationships with Anthropic if those are unrelated to their specific Department of War contracts.
I would like to reiterate that we had been having productive conversations with the Department of War over the last several days, both about ways we could serve the Department that adhere to our two narrow exceptions, and ways for us to ensure a smooth transition if that is not possible. As we wrote on Thursday, we are very proud of the work we have done together with the Department, supporting frontline warfighters with applications such as intelligence analysis, modeling and simulation, operational planning, cyber operations, and more.
As we stated last Friday, we do not believe, and have never believed, that it is the role of Anthropic or any private company to be involved in operational decision-making—that is the role of the military. Our only concerns have been our exceptions on fully autonomous weapons and mass domestic surveillance, which relate to high-level usage areas, and not operational decision-making.
I also want to apologize directly for a post internal to the company that was leaked to the press yesterday. Anthropic did not leak this post nor direct anyone else to do so—it is not in our interest to escalate this situation. That particular post was written within a few hours of the President’s Truth Social post announcing Anthropic would be removed from all federal systems, the Secretary of War’s X post announcing the supply chain risk designation, and the announcement of a deal between the Pentagon and OpenAI, which even OpenAI later characterized as confusing. It was a difficult day for the company, and I apologize for the tone of the post. It does not reflect my careful or considered views. It was also written six days ago, and is an out-of-date assessment of the current situation.
Our most important priority right now is making sure that our warfighters and national security experts are not deprived of important tools in the middle of major combat operations. Anthropic will provide our models to the Department of War and national security community, at nominal cost and with continuing support from our engineers, for as long as is necessary to make that transition, and for as long as we are permitted to do so.
Anthropic has much more in common with the Department of War than we have differences. We both are committed to advancing US national security and defending the American people, and agree on the urgency of applying AI across the government. All our future decisions will flow from that shared premise.
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Read the original on www.anthropic.com »
Customs and Border Protection (CBP) bought data from the online advertising ecosystem to track peoples’ precise movements over time, in a process that often involves siphoning data from ordinary apps like video games, dating services, and fitness trackers, according to an internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) document obtained by 404 Media.
The document shows in stark terms the power, and potential risk, of online advertising data and how it can be leveraged by government agencies for surveillance purposes. The news comes after Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) purchased similar tools that can monitor the movements of phones in entire neighbourhoods. ICE also recently said in public procurement documents it was interested in sourcing more “Ad Tech” data for its investigations. Following 404 Media’s revelation of that ICE purchase, on Tuesday a group of around 70 lawmakers urged the DHS oversight body to conduct a new investigation into ICE’s location data buying.
This sort of information is a “goldmine for tracking where every person is and what they read, watch, and listen to,” Johnny Ryan, director of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL) Enforce, which has closely followed the sale of advertising data, told 404 Media in an email.
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Read the original on www.404media.co »
March 2026
In the early 1970s disaster struck the Swiss watch industry. Now
people call it the quartz crisis, but in fact it was a compound of
three separate disasters that all happened at about the same time.
The first was competition from Japan. The Swiss had been watching
the Japanese in the rear view mirror all through the 1960s, and
they’d been improving at an alarming rate. But even so the Swiss
were surprised in 1968 when the Japanese swept all the top spots
for mechanical watches at the Geneva Observatory trials.
The Swiss knew what was coming. For years the Japanese had been
able to make cheaper watches. Now they could make better ones too.
To make matters worse, Swiss watches were about to become much more
expensive. The Bretton Woods agreement, which since 1945 had fixed
the exchange rates of most of the world’s currencies, had set the
Swiss Franc at an artificially low rate of .228 USD. When Bretton
Woods collapsed in 1973, the Franc shot upward. By 1978 it reached
.625 USD, meaning Swiss watches were now 2.7 times as expensive for
Americans to buy.
The combined effect of foreign competition and the loss of their
protective exchange rate would have decimated the Swiss watch
industry even if it hadn’t been for quartz movements. But quartz
movements were the final blow. Now the whole game they’d been trying
to win at became irrelevant. Something that had been expensive —
knowing the exact time — was now a commodity.
Between the early 1970s and the early 1980s, unit sales of Swiss
watches fell by almost two thirds. Most Swiss watchmakers became
insolvent or close to it and were sold. But not all of them. A
handful survived as independent companies. And the way they did it
was by transforming themselves from precision instrument makers
into luxury brands.
In the process the nature of the mechanical watch was also transformed.
The most expensive watches have always cost a lot, but why they
cost a lot and what buyers got in return have changed completely.
In 1960 expensive watches cost a lot because they cost a lot to
manufacture, and what the buyer got in return was the most accurate
timekeeping device, for its size, that could be made. Now they cost
a lot because brands spend a lot on advertising and use tricks to
limit supply, and what the buyer gets in return is an expensive
status symbol.
That turns out to be a profitable business though. The Swiss watch
industry probably makes more now from selling brand than they would
have if they were still selling engineering. And indeed, when you
look at the graph of Swiss watch sales by revenue, it tells a
different story than the graph of unit sales. Instead of falling
off a cliff, the revenue numbers merely flatten out for a while,
and then take off like a rocket in the late 1980s as the surviving
watchmakers come to terms with their new destiny.
It took the watchmakers about 20 years to figure out the new rules
of the game. And it’s interesting to watch them do it, because the
completeness of their transformation makes it the perfect case study
in one of the most powerful forces of our era: brand.
Brand is what’s left when the substantive differences between
products disappear. But making the substantive differences between
products disappear is what technology naturally tends to do. So
what happened to the Swiss watch industry is not merely an interesting
outlier. It’s very much a story of our times.
Jaeger-LeCoultre’s web site says that one of their current collections
“takes its inspiration from the classic designs of the golden age
of watchmaking.” In saying this they’re implicitly saying something
that present-day watchmakers all know but rarely come so close to
saying outright: whatever age we’re in now, it’s not the golden
age.
The golden age was from 1945 to 1970 — from the point where the
watch industry emerged from the chaos of war with the Swiss on top
till the triple cataclysm that struck it starting in the late 60s.
There were two things watchmakers sought above all in the golden
age: thinness and accuracy. And indeed this was arguably the essential
tradeoff in watchmaking. A watch is something you carry with you
to tell you the time. So there are two fundamental ways to improve
it: to make it easier to carry with you and to make it better at
telling the time.
Obviously accuracy is valuable, but in the golden age thinness was
if anything more valuable. Even in the days of pocket watches the
best watchmakers tried to make their watches as thin as they could.
Cheap, thick pocket watches were derided as “turnips.” But thinness
took on a new urgency when men’s watches moved onto their wrists
during World War I. And since thinness was more difficult to achieve
than accuracy, it was this quality that tended to distinguish the
more expensive watches of the golden age.
There is one other thing watchmakers have pursued in some eras:
telling more than the time in the usual way. Telling you the phase
of the moon, for example, or telling the time with sound. In the
industry the term for these things is “complications.” They were
popular in the nineteenth century and they’re popular again now,
but except for one pragmatic complication (showing the date), they
were a sideshow in the golden age. In the golden age, as always in
golden ages, the top watchmakers focused on the essential tradeoff.
And, as always in golden ages, they did it beautifully. The best
watches of the golden age have a
quiet perfection that has never
been equalled since. And for reasons I’m about to explain, probably
never will be.
The three most prestigious brands of the golden age were the so-called
“holy trinity” of Patek Philippe, Vacheron Constantin, and Audemars
Piguet. Their prestige was mostly deserved; they had earned it by
the exceptional quality of their work. By the 1960s they stood on
two legs, prestige and performance. And what they learned in the
next two decades was that they had to put all their weight on the
first leg, because they could no longer win at either of the two
things watchmakers had historically striven to achieve. Quartz
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Read the original on paulgraham.com »
Even if healthcare employment bounces back as expected, the figures dented hopes that hiring might be starting to accelerate after the 2025 slowdown, which was the weakest year for jobs since the pandemic, said Samuel Tombs, chief US economist for Pantheon Macroeconomics.
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Read the original on www.bbc.com »
Privacy-focused email provider Proton Mail provided Swiss authorities with payment data that the FBI then used to determine who was allegedly behind an anonymous account affiliated with the Stop Cop City movement in Atlanta, according to a court record reviewed by 404 Media.
The records provide insight into the sort of data that Proton Mail, which prides itself both on its end-to-end encryption and that it is only governed by Swiss privacy law, can and does provide to third parties. In this case, the Proton Mail account was affiliated with the Defend the Atlanta Forest (DTAF) group and Stop Cop City movement in Atlanta, which authorities were investigating for their connection to arson, vandalism and doxing. Broadly, members were protesting the building of a large police training center next to the Intrenchment Creek Park in Atlanta, and actions also included camping in the forest and lawsuits. Charges against more than 60 people have since been dropped.
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Read the original on www.404media.co »
Employees who are impressed by vague corporate-speak like “synergistic leadership,” or “growth-hacking paradigms” may struggle with practical decision-making, a new Cornell study reveals.
Published in the journal Personality and Individual Differences, research by cognitive psychologist Shane Littrell introduces the Corporate Bullshit Receptivity Scale (CBSR), a tool designed to measure susceptibility to impressive-but-empty organizational rhetoric.
“Corporate bullshit is a specific style of communication that uses confusing, abstract buzzwords in a functionally misleading way,” said Littrell, a postdoctoral researcher in the College of Arts and Sciences. “Unlike technical jargon, which can sometimes make office communication a little easier, corporate bullshit confuses rather than clarifies. It may sound impressive, but it is semantically empty.”
Although people anywhere can BS each other — that is, share dubious information that’s misleadingly impressive or engaging — the workplace not only rewards but structurally protects it, Littrell said. In a work setting where corporate jargon is already the norm, it’s easy for ambitious employees to use corporate BS to appear more competent or accomplished, accelerating their climb up the corporate ladder of workplace influence.
Corporate BS seems to be ubiquitous – but Littrell wondered if it is actually harmful. To test this, he created a “corporate bullshit generator” that churns out meaningless but impressive-sounding sentences like, “We will actualize a renewed level of cradle-to-grave credentialing” and “By getting our friends in the tent with our best practices, we will pressure-test a renewed level of adaptive coherence.”
He then asked more than 1,000 office workers to rate the “business savvy” of these computer-generated BS statements alongside real quotes from Fortune 500 leaders. Divided into four distinct studies, the research verified the scale as a statistically reliable measure of individual differences in receptivity to corporate bullshit, then, through use of established cognitive tests, made connections between receptivity to BS and analytic thinking skills known to be essential to workplace performance.
The results revealed a troubling paradox. Workers who were more susceptible to corporate BS rated their supervisors as more charismatic and “visionary,” but also displayed lower scores on a portion of the study that tested analytic thinking, cognitive reflection and fluid intelligence. Those more receptive to corporate BS also scored significantly worse on a test of effective workplace decision-making.
The study found that being more receptive to corporate bullshit was also positively linked to job satisfaction and feeling inspired by company mission statements. Moreover, those who were more likely to fall for corporate BS were also more likely to spread it.
Essentially, the employees most excited and inspired by “visionary” corporate jargon may be the least equipped to make effective, practical business decisions for their companies.
“This creates a concerning cycle,” Littrell said. “Employees who are more likely to fall for corporate bullshit may help elevate the types of dysfunctional leaders who are more likely to use it, creating a sort of negative feedback loop. Rather than a ‘rising tide lifting all boats,’ a higher level of corporate BS in an organization acts more like a clogged toilet of inefficiency.”
When BS goes too far or gets called out, real reputational or financial damage can occur, Littrell said. For instance, a leaked 2009 Pepsi marketing presentation with language such as “The Pepsi DNA finds its origin in the dynamic of perimeter oscillations…our proposition is the establishment of a gravitational pull to shift from a transactional experience to an invitational expression …” led to widespread ridicule in various news outlets.
And in 2014, a memo from the former executive vice president of Microsoft Devices Group to employees, later dubbed in the press “the worst email ever,” opened with 10 paragraphs of jargon, including “Our device strategy must reflect Microsoft’s strategy and must be accomplished within an appropriate financial envelope,” burying the real news in paragraph 11 – that 12,500 employees were going to lose their jobs.
Overall, the findings suggest that while “synergizing cross-collateralization” might sound impressive in a boardroom, this functionally misleading language can create an informational blindfold in corporate cultures that can expose companies to reputational and financial harm.
Littrell’s scale offers practical applications and could someday provide insights into job candidates’ analytic thinking and decision-making tendencies. More work needs to be done, but for now, it’s a promising tool for researchers, Littrell said.
Researching BS also points out the importance of critical thinking for everyone, inside the workplace and out.
“Most of us, in the right situation, can get taken in by language that sounds sophisticated but isn’t,” Littrell said. “That’s why, whether you’re an employee or a consumer, it’s worth slowing down when you run into organizational messaging of any kind – leaders’ statements, public reports, ads – and ask yourself, ‘What, exactly, is the claim? Does it actually make sense?’ Because when a message leans heavily on buzzwords and jargon, it’s often a red flag that you’re being steered by rhetoric instead of reality.”
An open-access version of the study is available here.
Kate Blackwood is a writer for the College of Arts and Sciences.
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Read the original on news.cornell.edu »
We introduce a new measure of AI displacement risk, observed exposure, that combines theoretical LLM capability and real-world usage data, weighting automated (rather than augmentative) and work-related uses more heavilyAI is far from reaching its theoretical capability: actual coverage remains a fraction of what’s feasibleOccupations with higher observed exposure are projected by the BLS to grow less through 2034Workers in the most exposed professions are more likely to be older, female, more educated, and higher-paidWe find no systematic increase in unemployment for highly exposed workers since late 2022, though we find suggestive evidence that hiring of younger workers has slowed in exposed occupationsThe rapid diffusion of AI is generating a wave of research measuring and forecasting its impacts on labor markets. But the track record of past approaches gives reason for humility. For example, a prominent attempt to measure job offshorability identified roughly a quarter of US jobs as vulnerable, but a decade on, most of those jobs maintained healthy employment growth. The government’s own occupational growth forecasts, while directionally correct, have added little predictive value beyond linear extrapolation of past trends. Even in hindsight, the impact of major economic disruptions on the labor market is often unclear. Studies on the employment effects of industrial robots reach opposing conclusions, and the scale of job losses attributed to the China trade shock continues to be debated.1In this paper, we present a new framework for understanding AI’s labor market impacts, and test it against early data, finding limited evidence that AI has affected employment to date. Our goal is to establish an approach for measuring how AI is affecting employment, and to revisit these analyses periodically. This approach won’t capture every channel through which AI could reshape the labor market, but by laying this groundwork now, before meaningful effects have emerged, we hope future findings will more reliably identify economic disruption than post-hoc analyses.It is possible that the impacts of AI will be unmistakable. This framework is most useful when the effects are ambiguous—and could help identify the most vulnerable jobs before displacement is visible.Causal inference is easier when the effects are large and sudden. The COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying policy measures caused economic disruption so stark that sophisticated statistical approaches were unnecessary for many questions. For example, unemployment jumped sharply in the early weeks of the pandemic, leaving little room for alternative explanations.The impacts of AI, however, might be less like COVID and more like the internet or trade with China. The effects may not be immediately clear from aggregate unemployment data; factors like trade policy and the business cycle could cloud interpretations of trend lines.One common approach is to compare outcomes between more or less AI-exposed workers, firms, or industries, in order to isolate the effect of AI from confounding forces.2 Exposure is typically defined at the task level: AI can grade homework but not manage a classroom, for example, so teachers are considered less exposed than workers whose entire job can be performed remotely.Our work follows this task-based approach, incorporating measures of theoretical AI capability and real-world usage, before aggregating to occupations.3Our approach combines data from three sources.The O*NET database, which enumerates tasks associated with around 800 unique occupations in the US.Our own usage data (as measured in the Anthropic Economic Index).Task-level exposure estimates from Eloundou et al. (2023), which measure whether it is theoretically possible for an LLM to make a task at least twice as fast.Eloundou et al.’s metric, β, scores tasks on a simple scale: 1 if a task can be doubled in speed by an LLM alone, 0.5 if it requires additional tools or software built on top of the LLM, and 0 otherwise.4Why might actual usage fall short of theoretical capability? Some tasks that are theoretically possible may not show up in usage because of model limitations. Others may be slow to diffuse due to legal constraints, specific software requirements, human verification steps, or other hurdles. For example, Eloundou et al. mark “Authorize drug refills and provide prescription information to pharmacies” as fully exposed (β=1). We have not observed Claude performing this task, although the assessment seems correct in that it could theoretically be sped up by an LLM.That said, these measures of theoretical capability and actual usage are highly correlated. As Figure 1 shows, 97% of the tasks observed across the previous four Economic Index reports fall into categories rated as theoretically feasible by Eloundou et al. (β=0.5 or β=1.0).Figure 1: Share of Claude usage by Eloundou et al. task exposure rating
This figure shows Claude usage distributed across O*NET tasks grouped by their theoretical AI exposure. Tasks rated β=1 (fully feasible for an LLM alone) account for 68% of observed Claude usage, while tasks rated β=0 (not feasible) account for just 3%. Data on Claude usage comes from the previous four Economic Index reports.Our new measure, observed exposure, is meant to quantify: of those tasks that LLMs could theoretically speed up, which are actually seeing automated usage in professional settings? Theoretical capability encompasses a much broader range of tasks. By tracking how that gap narrows, observed exposure provides insight into economic changes as they emerge.Our measure qualitatively captures several aspects of AI usage that we think are predictive of job impacts. A job’s exposure is higher if:Its tasks are theoretically possible with AIIts tasks see significant usage in the Anthropic Economic Index5Its tasks are performed in work-related contextsIt has a relatively higher share of automated use patterns or API implementationIts AI-impacted tasks make up a larger share of the overall role6We give mathematical details in the Appendix. We count tasks that are theoretically capable with an LLM as covered if they have seen sufficient work-related usage in Claude traffic. We then adjust for how the task is being carried out: fully automated implementations receive full weight, while augmentative use receives half weight. Finally, the task-level coverage measures are averaged to the occupation level weighted by the fraction of time spent on each task.Figure 2 shows observed exposure (in red) compared to β from Eloundou et al. (in blue), illustrating the difference between theoretical and actual use on our platform, grouped by broad occupational categories. We calculate this by first averaging to the occupation level weighting by our time fraction measure, then averaging to the occupation category weighting by total employment. For example, the β measure shows scope for LLM penetration in the majority of tasks in Computer & Math (94%) and Office & Admin (90%) occupations.Figure 2: Theoretical capability and observed exposure by occupational category
Share of job tasks that LLMs could theoretically perform (blue area) and our own job coverage measure derived from usage data (red area).The red area, depicting LLM use from the Anthropic Economic Index, shows how people are using Claude in professional settings. The coverage shows AI is far from reaching its theoretical capabilities. For instance, Claude currently covers just 33% of all tasks in the Computer & Math category.As capabilities advance, adoption spreads, and deployment deepens, the red area will grow to cover the blue. There is a large uncovered area too; many tasks, of course, remain beyond AI’s reach—from physical agricultural work like pruning trees and operating farm machinery to legal tasks like representing clients in court.Figure 3 shows the ten occupations most exposed under this measure. In line with other data showing that Claude is extensively used for coding, Computer Programmers are at the top, with 75% coverage, followed by Customer Service Representatives, whose main tasks we increasingly see in first-party API traffic. Finally, Data Entry Keyers, whose primary task of reading source documents and entering data sees significant automation, are 67% covered.Figure 3: Most exposed occupationsTop ten most exposed occupations using our task coverage measure.
At the bottom end, 30% of workers have zero coverage, as their tasks appeared too infrequently in our data to meet the minimum threshold. This group includes, for example, Cooks, Motorcycle Mechanics, Lifeguards, Bartenders, Dishwashers, and Dressing Room Attendants.How exposure tracks with projected job growth and worker characteristicsThe US Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) publishes regular employment projections, with the latest set, published in 2025, covering predicted changes in employment for every occupation from 2024 to 2034. In Figure 4, we compare our job-level coverage measure to their predictions.A regression at the occupation level weighted by current employment finds that growth projections are somewhat weaker for jobs with more observed exposure. For every 10 percentage point increase in coverage, the BLS’s growth projection drops by 0.6 percentage points. This provides some validation in that our measures track the independently derived estimates from labor market analysts, although the relationship is slight. Interestingly, there is no such correlation using the Eloundou et al. measure alone.Figure 4: BLS projected employment growth from 2024—2034 vs. observed exposure
Binned scatterplot with 25 equally-sized bins. Each solid dot shows the average observed exposure and projected employment change for one of the bins. The dashed line shows a simple linear regression fit, weighted by current employment levels. The small diamonds mark individual example occupations for illustration.
Figure 5 shows characteristics of workers in the top quartile of exposure and the 30% of workers with zero exposure in the three months before ChatGPT was released, August to October 2022, using data from the Current Population Survey.7 The groups are very different. The more exposed group is 16 percentage points more likely to be female, 11 percentage points more likely to be white, and almost twice as likely to be Asian. They earn 47% more, on average, and have higher levels of education. For example, people with graduate degrees are 4.5% of the unexposed group, but 17.4% of the most exposed group, an almost fourfold difference.With these exposure measures in hand, the question is what to look for. Researchers have taken different approaches. For example, Gimbel et al. (2025) track changes in the occupational mix using the Current Population Survey. Their argument is that any important restructuring of the economy from AI would show up as changes in distribution of jobs.¹ (They find that, so far, changes have been unremarkable.) Brynjolfsson et al. (2025) look at employment levels split by age group using data from the payroll processing firm ADP, while Acemoglu et al. (2022) and Hampole et al. (2025) use job posting data from Burning Glass (now Lightcast) and Revelio, respectively.We focus on unemployment as our priority outcome because it most directly captures the potential for economic harm—a worker who is unemployed wants a job and has not yet found one. In this case, job postings and employment do not necessarily signal the need for policy responses; a decline in job postings for a highly exposed role may be counteracted by increased openings in a related one. Most harmful labor market developments of AI should arguably include a period of increased unemployment, as displaced workers search for alternatives. The Current Population Survey is well suited to tracking this, as unemployed respondents report their previous job and industry.We next study trends in unemployment, matching our occupation-level measures to respondents in the Current Population Survey.A key question in interpreting our coverage measure is which workers should be considered treated? Should changes in employment be expected from just 10% task coverage? Gans and Goldfarb (2025) show that if an O-ring model best describes jobs, employment effects might be seen only when all tasks have some degree of AI penetration. Hampole et al. (2025) argue that mean exposure decreases labor demand, but concentration of exposure in only certain tasks can counteract this. And Autor and Thompson (2025) highlight the level of expertise required for the remaining tasks.With an eye toward simplicity, and noting that we are most concerned with large impacts, we center our analysis on the idea that impacts should be felt most in the groups with the highest mean exposure. We compare workers in the top quartile of time-weighted task coverage to those in the bottom. If AI capabilities advance quickly, task coverage might be high for lower percentiles of coverage, which might make an absolute threshold more helpful. But we make the assumption that impacts should affect the most exposed workers first, and present results varying the cutoff we use to define treatment.The upper panel of Figure 6 shows raw trends in the unemployment rate since 2016 for workers in the top quartile of exposure and the unexposed group. During COVID, the less AI-exposed workers—who are more likely to have in-person jobs—saw a much larger increase in unemployment. Since then, the trends have been largely similar between the two groups. The lower panel measures the size of the gap between the most and least exposed workers in a difference-in-differences framework, mirroring the findings from the raw data. The average change in the gap since the release of ChatGPT is small and insignificant, suggesting that the unemployment rate of the more exposed group has increased slightly but the effect is indistinguishable from zero.8Figure 6: Trends in the unemployment rate for workers in the top quartile of observed exposure and no AI exposure, Current Population Survey
The top panel shows the unemployment rate for workers in the top quartile of exposure (red line) and the 30% of workers with zero exposure. The bottom panel measures the gap between these two series in a difference-in-differences framework.
What kind of scenarios can this framework identify? Based on the confidence interval of the pooled estimate, differential increases in unemployment on the order of 1 percentage point would be detectable (this will change as new data comes in, so it is merely a ballpark estimate). If all workers within the top 10% were laid off, it would increase unemployment within the top quartile group from 3% to 43%, and it would increase aggregate unemployment from 4% to 13%.A smaller but still concerning impact would be a scenario such as a “Great Recession for white-collar workers.” During the 2007-2009 Great Recession, unemployment rates doubled from 5% to 10% in the US. Such a doubling in the top quartile of exposure would increase its unemployment rate from 3% to 6%. This should be visible in our analysis as well. Note that our core estimate is based on differential changes in the unemployment rate in the exposed group compared to the less exposed group. If unemployment increased for all workers in parallel, we would not attribute this to AI advancements that still leave many tasks unaffected.One group of particular concern is young workers. Brynjolfsson et al. report a 6—16% fall in employment in exposed occupations among workers aged 22 to 25. They attribute this decrease primarily to a slowdown in hiring rather than an increase in separations.9We find that the unemployment rate for young workers in the exposed occupations is flat (see Appendix). But slowed hiring may not necessarily manifest as increased unemployment, since many young workers are labor market entrants without a listed occupation in the CPS data and may exit the labor force rather than appear as unemployed. To address hiring directly, we use the panel dimension of the CPS, counting the percent of young (22-25 year old) workers who begin a new job in a more vs. less exposed occupation over time. Figure 7 shows the monthly job finding rate (i.e., when a worker reports a job that they did not have in the previous month) for young workers, split by whether they are entering a high- vs. low-exposure occupation.Figure 7: New job starts among workers age 22-25 in occupations with high observed exposure and no AI exposure, Current Population Survey
The top panel shows the percent of young workers starting new jobs in high vs. no exposure occupations. The bottom panel measures the gap between these two series in a difference-in-differences framework.
Apart from some large swings in 2020-2021, these series visually diverge in 2024, with young workers relatively less likely to be hired into exposed occupations. Job finding rates at the less exposed occupations remain stable at 2% per month, while entry into the most exposed jobs decreases by about half a percentage point. The averaged estimate in the post-ChatGPT era is a 14% drop in the job finding rate compared to that in 2022 in the exposed occupations, although this is just barely statistically significant. (There is no such decrease for workers older than 25.)This may provide some signal of the early effects of AI on employment, and echoes the findings from Brynjolfsson et al. But there are several alternative interpretations. The young workers who are not hired may be remaining at their existing jobs, taking different jobs, or returning to school. A further data-related caveat is that job transitions may be more vulnerable to mismeasurement in surveys.10
This report introduces a new measure for understanding the labor market effects of AI and studies impacts on unemployment and hiring. Jobs are more exposed to AI to the extent that their tasks are theoretically feasible with LLMs and observed on our platforms in automated, work-related use cases. We find that computer programmers, customer service representatives, and financial analysts are among the most exposed. Using survey data from the US, we find no impact on unemployment rates for workers in the most exposed occupations, although there’s tentative evidence that hiring into those professions has slowed slightly for workers aged 22-25.Our work is a first step toward cataloging the impact of AI on the labor market. We hope that the analytical steps taken in this report, especially around coverage and counterfactuals, will be easy to update as new data on employment and AI usage emerge. An established approach may help future observers separate signal from noise.There are several improvements to be made to the present work. Our usage data will be incorporated in future updates, forming an evolving picture of task and job coverage in the economy. The Eloundou et al. metric could also be updated, to the extent that it is linked to LLM capabilities as of early 2023. And, given the suggestive results around young workers and labor market entrants, a key next step might be to look at how recent graduates with educational credentials in exposed areas are navigating the labor market.With acknowledgements to: Ruth Appel, Tim Belonax, Keir Bradwell, Andy Braden, Dexter Callender III, Miriam Chaum, Madison Clark, Jake Eaton, Deep Ganguli, Kunal Handa, Ryan Heller, Lara Karadogan, Jennifer Martinez, Jared Mueller, Sarah Pollack, David Saunders, Carl De Torres, Kim Withee, and Jack Clark. We additionally thank Martha Gimbel, Anders Humlum, Evan Rose, and Nathan Wilmers for feedback on earlier versions of this report.@online{massenkoffmccrory2026labor,
author = {Maxim Massenkoff and Peter McCrory},
title = {Labor market impacts of AI: A new measure and early evidence},
date = {2026-03-05},
year = {2026},
url = {https://www.anthropic.com/research/labor-market-impacts},
}Acemoglu, Daron and Pascual Restrepo, “Robots and Jobs: Evidence from US Labor Markets,” Journal of Political Economy, 2020, 128 (6), 2188–2244.Acemoglu, Daron, David Autor, Jonathon Hazell, and Pascual Restrepo, “Artificial intelligence and jobs: Evidence from online vacancies,” Journal of Labor Economics, 2022, 40 (S1), S293–S340.Autor, David H, David Dorn, and Gordon H Hanson, “The China syndrome: Local labor market effects of import competition in the United States,” American Economic Review, 2013, 103 (6), 2121–2168.Blinder, Alan S et al., “How many US jobs might be offshorable?,” World Economics, 2009, 10 (2), 41.Borusyak, Kirill, Peter Hull, and Xavier Jaravel, “Quasi-experimental shift-share research designs,” The Review of Economic Studies, 2022, 89 (1), 181–213.Brynjolfsson, Erik, Bharat Chandar, and Ruyu Chen, “Canaries in the coal mine? six facts about the recent employment effects of artificial intelligence,” Digital Economy, 2025.Eckhardt, Sarah and Nathan Goldschlag, “AI and Jobs: The Final Word (Until the Next One),” Economic Innovation Group (EIG), August 2025. Available at: https://eig.org/ai-and-jobs-the-final-word/Eloundou, Tyna, Sam Manning, Pamela Mishkin, and Daniel Rock, “Gpts are gpts: An early look at the labor market impact potential of large language models,” arXiv preprint arXiv:2303.10130, 2023, 10.Gans, Joshua S. and Goldfarb, Avi, “O-Ring Automation,” NBER Working Paper No. 34639, December 2025. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=5962594Gimbel, Martha, Molly Kinder, Joshua Kendall, and Maddie Lee, “Evaluating the Impact of AI on the Labor Market: Current State of Affairs,” Research Report, The Budget Lab at Yale, New Haven, CT October 2025. Available at: https://budgetlab.yale.edu.Graetz, Georg and Guy Michaels, “Robots at Work,” Review of Economics and Statistics, 2018, 100 (5), 753–768.Hampole, Menaka, Dimitris Papanikolaou, Lawrence DW Schmidt, and Bryan Seegmiller, “Artificial intelligence and the labor market,” Technical Report, National Bureau of Economic Research 2025.Handa, Kunal, Alex Tamkin, Miles McCain, Saffron Huang, Esin Durmus, Sarah Heck, Jared Mueller, Jerry Hong, Stuart Ritchie, Tim Belonax, Kevin K. Troy, Dario Amodei, Jared Kaplan, Jack Clark, and Deep Ganguli, “Which Economic Tasks are Performed with AI? Evidence from Millions of Claude Conversations,” 2025.Hui, Xiang, Oren Reshef, and Luofeng Zhou, “The short-term effects of generative artificial intelligence on employment: Evidence from an online labor market,” Organization Science, 2024, 35 (6), 1977–1989.Johnston, Andrew and Christos Makridis, “The labor market effects of generative AI: A difference-in-differences analysis of AI exposure,” Available at SSRN 5375017, 2025.Massenkoff, Maxim, “How predictable is job destruction? Evidence from the Occupational Outlook,” 2025. Working Paper.Tomlinson, K., Jaffe, S., Wang, W., Counts, S., & Suri, S. (2025). Working with AI: measuring the applicability of generative AI to occupations. arXiv preprint arXiv:2507.07935.
...
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...
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