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Computational Complexity and other fun stuff in math and com­puter sci­ence from Lance Fortnow and Bill Gasarch

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Our lib­er­a­tion ser­vices are tem­porar­ily un­avail­able. Please try again later.

Is your le­gal team frus­trated with the at­tri­bu­tion clause? Tired of putting “Portions of this soft­ware…” in your doc­u­men­ta­tion? Those main­tain­ers worked for free—why should they get credit?

Does your com­pany for­bid AGPL code? One wrong im­port and sud­denly your en­tire pro­pri­etary code­base must be open sourced. The hor­ror!

Tracking li­censes across hun­dreds of de­pen­den­cies? Legal re­views tak­ing weeks? Third-party au­dits find­ing “issues”? What if you could just… not deal with any of that?

Some li­censes re­quire you to con­tribute im­prove­ments back. Your share­hold­ers did­n’t in­vest in your com­pany so you could help strangers.

For the first time, a way to avoid giv­ing that pesky credit to main­tain­ers.

Our pro­pri­etary AI sys­tems have never seen the orig­i­nal source code. They in­de­pen­dently an­a­lyze doc­u­men­ta­tion, API spec­i­fi­ca­tions, and pub­lic in­ter­faces to recre­ate func­tion­ally equiv­a­lent soft­ware from scratch.

The re­sult is legally dis­tinct code that you own out­right. No de­riv­a­tive works. No li­cense in­her­i­tance. No oblig­a­tions.

*Through our off­shore sub­sidiary in a ju­ris­dic­tion that does­n’t rec­og­nize soft­ware copy­right

Simply up­load your pack­age.json, re­quire­ments.txt, Cargo.toml, or any de­pen­dency man­i­fest. Our sys­tem iden­ti­fies every open source pack­age you want lib­er­ated.

Our legally-trained ro­bots an­a­lyze only pub­lic doc­u­men­ta­tion—README files, API docs, and type de­f­i­n­i­tions. They never see a sin­gle line of source code. The clean room stays clean.

A com­pletely sep­a­rate team of ro­bots—who have never com­mu­ni­cated with the analy­sis team—im­ple­ments the soft­ware from scratch based solely on spec­i­fi­ca­tions. No copy­ing. No de­riva­tion.

Your new code is de­liv­ered un­der the MalusCorp-0 License—a pro­pri­etary-friendly li­cense with zero at­tri­bu­tion re­quire­ments, zero copy­left, and zero oblig­a­tions.

Do what­ever you want

Transparent, pay-per-KB pric­ing. No tiers, no sub­scrip­tions, no hid­den fees.

Every pack­age is priced by its un­packed size on npm. We look up each de­pen­dency in your pack­age.json, mea­sure the size in kilo­bytes, and charge … per KB. That’s it.

✓ Up to 50 pack­ages per or­der

✓ No base fee, no sub­scrip­tion — pay only for what you lib­er­ate

Upload Manifest

If any of our lib­er­ated code is found to in­fringe on the orig­i­nal li­cense, we’ll pro­vide a full re­fund and re­lo­cate our cor­po­rate head­quar­ters to in­ter­na­tional wa­ters.*

*This has never hap­pened be­cause it legally can­not hap­pen. Trust us.

“We had 847 AGPL de­pen­den­cies block­ing our ac­qui­si­tion. MalusCorp lib­er­ated them all in 3 weeks. The due dili­gence team found zero li­cense is­sues. We closed at $2.3B.”

“Our lawyers es­ti­mated $4M in com­pli­ance costs. MalusCorp’s Total Liberation pack­age was $50K. The board was thrilled. The open source main­tain­ers were not, but who cares?”

“I used to feel guilty about not at­tribut­ing open source main­tain­ers. Then I re­mem­bered that guilt does­n’t show up on quar­terly re­ports. Thank you, MalusCorp.”

“The ro­bots recre­ated our en­tire npm de­pen­dency tree—2,341 pack­ages—in per­fect iso­la­tion. Our com­pli­ance dash­board went from red to green overnight.”

Trusted by in­dus­try lead­ers who pre­fer to re­main anony­mous

Our clean room process is based on well-es­tab­lished le­gal prece­dent. The ro­bots per­form­ing re­con­struc­tion have prov­ably never ac­cessed the orig­i­nal source code. We main­tain de­tailed au­dit logs that def­i­nitely ex­ist and are avail­able upon re­quest to courts in se­lect ju­ris­dic­tions.

What about the orig­i­nal de­vel­op­ers?

They made their choice when they re­leased their code as “open source.” We’re sim­ply ex­er­cis­ing our right to in­de­pen­dently im­ple­ment the same func­tion­al­ity. If they wanted com­pen­sa­tion, they should have worked for a cor­po­ra­tion.

How is this dif­fer­ent from copy­ing?

Intent and process. Our ro­bots in­de­pen­dently ar­rive at the same so­lu­tions through clean room method­ol­ogy. It’s like how every movie about an as­ter­oid threat­en­ing Earth is­n’t pla­gia­rism—some­times mul­ti­ple en­ti­ties just have the same idea.

What if the lib­er­ated code has bugs?

Our SLA guar­an­tees func­tional equiv­a­lence, not per­fec­tion. Besides, the orig­i­nal open source code prob­a­bly had bugs too. At least now they’re YOUR bugs, un­der YOUR li­cense.

Can I see the ro­bots?

Our ro­bot work­force op­er­ates in a se­cure fa­cil­ity in [LOCATION REDACTED]. Tours are avail­able for Enterprise cus­tomers who sign our 47-page NDA.

What li­censes can you elim­i­nate?

All of them. MIT, Apache, GPL, AGPL, LGPL, BSD, MPL—if it has terms, we can lib­er­ate you from them. Special rush pric­ing avail­able for AGPL emer­gen­cies.

Join the thou­sands of cor­po­ra­tions who’ve dis­cov­ered that open source oblig­a­tions are merely sug­ges­tions when you have enough ro­bots.

No credit card re­quired for quotes. Payment ac­cepted in USD, EUR, BTC, and stock op­tions.

An open-source in­tel­li­gence in­ves­ti­ga­tion into how Meta Platforms built a multi-chan­nel in­flu­ence op­er­a­tion to pass age ver­i­fi­ca­tion laws that shift reg­u­la­tory bur­den from so­cial me­dia plat­forms onto Apple and Google’s app stores.

Every find­ing in this repos­i­tory is sourced from pub­lic records: IRS 990 fil­ings, Senate LD-2 lob­by­ing dis­clo­sures, state lob­by­ing reg­is­tra­tions, cam­paign fi­nance data­bases, cor­po­rate reg­istries, WHOIS/DNS records, Wayback Machine archives, and in­ves­tiga­tive jour­nal­ism.

Status: Active in­ves­ti­ga­tion. 47 proven find­ings, 9 struc­turally pos­si­ble but un­proven hy­pothe­ses, and mul­ti­ple pend­ing FOIA re­sponses.

Meta spent a record $26.3 mil­lion on fed­eral lob­by­ing in 2025, de­ployed 86+ lob­by­ists across 45 states, and covertly funded a “grassroots” child safety group called the Digital Childhood Alliance (DCA) to ad­vo­cate for the App Store Accountability Act (ASAA). The ASAA re­quires app stores to ver­ify user ages be­fore down­loads but im­poses no re­quire­ments on so­cial me­dia plat­forms. If it be­comes law, Apple and Google ab­sorb the com­pli­ance cost while Meta’s apps face zero new man­dates.

This in­ves­ti­ga­tion traced fund­ing flows across five con­firmed chan­nels, an­a­lyzed $2.0 bil­lion in dark money grants, searched 59,736 DAF re­cip­i­ents, parsed LD-2 fil­ings, and mapped cam­paign con­tri­bu­tions across four states to doc­u­ment the op­er­a­tion.

Meta’s fed­eral lob­by­ing spend­ing jumped from $19M (2022-2023) to $24M (2024) to $26.3M (2025) as ASAA bills were in­tro­duced in roughly 20 states. In Louisiana alone, 12 lob­by­ists were de­ployed for a sin­gle bill that passed 99-0.

Across all five Arabella Advisors en­ti­ties (New Venture Fund, Sixteen Thirty Fund, North Fund, Windward Fund, Hopewell Fund), 4,433 grants to­tal­ing ap­prox­i­mately $2.0 bil­lion were an­a­lyzed. Not a sin­gle dol­lar went to any child safety, age ver­i­fi­ca­tion, or tech pol­icy or­ga­ni­za­tion. The Schedule I grant path­way through the Arabella net­work is de­fin­i­tively ruled out.

Five con­firmed chan­nels con­nect Meta’s spend­ing to ASAA ad­vo­cacy: di­rect fed­eral lob­by­ing ($26.3M), state lob­by­ist net­works (45 states), the Digital Childhood Alliance (astroturf 501(c)(4)), su­per PACs ($70M+), and state leg­isla­tive cam­paigns (3 laws passed). A sixth chan­nel through the Arabella dark money net­work is struc­turally pos­si­ble but un­proven.

These stand­alone HTML doc­u­ments pro­vide de­tailed views of the in­ves­ti­ga­tion:

Full Investigation Documentation con­tains the com­plete OSINT in­ves­ti­ga­tion re­port with all five chan­nels, ev­i­dence ta­bles, and source ci­ta­tions.

Funding Network Timeline maps the chrono­log­i­cal de­vel­op­ment of Meta’s lob­by­ing in­fra­struc­ture, DCA’s for­ma­tion, and ASAA leg­isla­tive progress across states.

Research Timeline tracks the in­ves­ti­ga­tion it­self, show­ing when each find­ing was es­tab­lished and how threads con­nected.

Meta re­tained 40+ lob­by­ing firms and 87 fed­eral lob­by­ists in 2025 (85% with prior gov­ern­ment ser­vice). Meta’s own LD-2 fil­ings with the Senate ex­plic­itly list H. R. 3149/S. 1586, the App Store Accountability Act, as a lob­bied bill. The fil­ing nar­ra­tive in­cludes “protecting chil­dren, bul­ly­ing pre­ven­tion and on­line safety; youth safety and fed­eral parental ap­proval; youth re­stric­tions on so­cial me­dia.”

At the state level, con­firmed op­er­a­tions in­clude $338,500 to Headwaters Strategies (Colorado), $324,992+ across 9 firms and 12 lob­by­ists in Louisiana, and $1,036,728 in di­rect California lob­by­ing (Q1-Q3 2025 alone). A Meta lob­by­ist brought the leg­isla­tive lan­guage for Louisiana HB-570 di­rectly to the bil­l’s spon­sor, Rep. Kim Carver, who con­firmed this pub­licly.

DCA is a 501(c)(4) ad­vo­cacy group that Meta covertly funds. Bloomberg ex­posed the fund­ing re­la­tion­ship in July 2025. Under oath at a Louisiana Senate com­mit­tee hear­ing, Executive Director Casey Stefanski ad­mit­ted re­ceiv­ing tech com­pany fund­ing but re­fused to name donors.

DCA has no EIN in the IRS Business Master File, no in­cor­po­ra­tion record in any state reg­istry searched (CO, DC, DE, VA, OpenCorporates), and no Form 990 on file. It processes do­na­tions through the For Good DAF (formerly Network for Good) as a “Project,” not a stand­alone non­profit. Its likely fis­cal spon­sor is NCOSEAction/Institute for Public Policy (EIN 88-1180705), NCOSE’s con­firmed 501(c)(4) af­fil­i­ate with the same lead­er­ship.

DCA’s do­main was reg­is­tered December 18, 2024. The web­site was live and fully formed the next day. Every blog post and tes­ti­mony tar­gets Apple and Google. Meta is never men­tioned or crit­i­cized.

Meta com­mit­ted over $70 mil­lion to four state-level su­per PACs: ATEP ($45M, bi­par­ti­san, co-led by Hilltop Public Solutions), META California ($20M), California Leads ($5M), and Forge the Future (Texas, Republican-aligned). Forge the Future’s stated pol­icy pri­or­ity is “empowering par­ents with over­sight of chil­dren’s on­line ac­tiv­i­ties,” which mir­rors ASAA lan­guage ex­actly.

Hilltop Public Solutions co-leads the $45M ATEP su­per PAC and is also in­volved in DCA’s mes­sag­ing co­or­di­na­tion, mak­ing it the first firm con­firmed in both Meta’s PAC op­er­a­tion and the as­tro­turf ad­vo­cacy track.

All su­per PACs are reg­is­tered at the state level rather than with the FEC, scat­ter­ing dis­clo­sure fil­ings across in­di­vid­ual state ethics com­mis­sions in­stead of a sin­gle search­able fed­eral data­base.

Meta’s Colorado lob­by­ist Adam Eichberg si­mul­ta­ne­ously serves as Board Chair of the New Venture Fund, the flag­ship 501(c)(3) of the Arabella Advisors net­work. NVF trans­fers $121.3 mil­lion an­nu­ally to the Sixteen Thirty Fund, a 501(c)(4) with no donor dis­clo­sure re­quire­ments.

The Arabella net­work op­er­ates four en­ti­ties from 1828 L Street NW, Washington DC (suites 300-A through 300-D) with com­bined an­nual rev­enue ex­ceed­ing $1.3 bil­lion. All five en­ti­ties’ grant re­cip­i­ents were an­a­lyzed (4,433 grants, ap­prox­i­mately $2.0 bil­lion). Zero dol­lars went to any child safety or­ga­ni­za­tion, de­fin­i­tively rul­ing out the Schedule I grant path­way.

If Meta money flows through the Arabella net­work to DCA, it would have to travel via fis­cal spon­sor­ship, con­sult­ing fees, or lob­by­ing ex­pen­di­tures, which are more opaque than grant dis­clo­sures.

ASAA has been signed into law in three states:

Roughly 17 ad­di­tional states have in­tro­duced or are con­sid­er­ing ASAA bills, in­clud­ing Kansas, South Carolina, Ohio, Georgia, and Florida. The fed­eral ver­sion was in­tro­duced in May 2025 by Rep. John James (R-MI) and Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT).

Each find­ing be­low is doc­u­mented with sources in the cor­re­spond­ing analy­sis file.

Meta funds DCA, con­firmed by Bloomberg re­porters and par­tially ad­mit­ted by Stefanski un­der oath at the Louisiana Senate Commerce Committee hear­ing (April 2025). Sources: Insurance Journal/Bloomberg July 2025, Deseret News Dec 2025, The Center Square LA.

Meta de­ployed 86+ lob­by­ists across 45 states for ASAA and re­lated cam­paigns. Source: OpenSecrets, state lob­by­ing reg­is­tra­tions.

Meta spent $26.3 mil­lion on fed­eral lob­by­ing in 2025, an all-time record ex­ceed­ing Lockheed Martin and Boeing. Source: OpenSecrets, Quiver Quantitative, Dome Politics.

Meta paid Headwaters Strategies $338,500 for Colorado lob­by­ing be­tween 2019 and 2026. Source: Colorado SOS SODA API.

Adam Eichberg si­mul­ta­ne­ously co-founded Meta’s Colorado lob­by­ing firm (Headwaters Strategies) and chairs the New Venture Fund board. Sources: Headwaters Strategies web­site, NVF board page, InfluenceWatch.

NVF does not di­rectly fund any child safety or tech pol­icy or­ga­ni­za­tions via Schedule I grants. Source: NVF Form 990 Schedule I analy­sis, 2,669 re­cip­i­ents.

DCA and DCI share in­fra­struc­ture: same reg­is­trar (GoDaddy), CDN (Cloudflare), email (Microsoft 365), and mar­ket­ing plat­form (Elastic Email). Source: DNS/WHOIS analy­sis.

Pelican State Partners rep­re­sents Meta as a lob­by­ing client in Louisiana. Source: F Minus data­base, LA Board of Ethics.

DCA lead­er­ship comes from NCOSE: three of four se­nior staff have NCOSE con­nec­tions (Stefanski, Hawkins, McKay). Source: DCA web­site, NCOSE pub­lic records.

ASAA has been signed into law in three states: Utah (SB-142, March 2025), Louisiana (HB-570, June 2025), and Texas (SB 2420, May 2025, paused by judge December 2025). Sources: State leg­is­la­ture records, news cov­er­age.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund does not fund any child safety or tech pol­icy or­ga­ni­za­tions via Schedule I grants (306 of 318 re­cip­i­ents an­a­lyzed). Source: STF Form 990 Schedule I, 2024.

All five Arabella en­ti­ties an­a­lyzed: 4,433 grants (approximately $2.0 bil­lion) with zero dol­lars go­ing to child safety or tech pol­icy or­ga­ni­za­tions. Schedule I path­way de­fin­i­tively ruled out across the en­tire net­work. Sources: NVF, STF, North Fund, Windward, Hopewell Form 990 Schedule I fil­ings via ProPublica.

A Meta em­ployee (Jake Levine, Product Manager) con­tributed $1,175 to ASAA spon­sor Matt Ball’s cam­paign ap­pa­ra­tus on June 2, 2025. Source: Colorado TRACER bulk data.

A Google Policy Manager (Kyle Gardner) also con­tributed $450 to Matt Ball. Multiple tech com­pany em­ploy­ees from ASAA-affected com­pa­nies tar­geted the same ASAA bill spon­sor. Source: Colorado TRACER bulk data.

Eichberg and Coyne (Headwaters prin­ci­pals) did not con­tribute to ASAA bill spon­sors Ball or Paschal de­spite $20,000+ com­bined po­lit­i­cal giv­ing. Source: Colorado TRACER bulk data.

No di­rect Meta PAC con­tri­bu­tions to any ASAA spon­sor across Utah, Louisiana, Texas, or Colorado. Source: FollowTheMoney.org multi-state search.

Todd Weiler (Utah SB-142 spon­sor) does not ac­cept cor­po­rate con­tri­bu­tions and has not dis­cussed ASAA di­rectly with Meta. DCA served as the pol­icy in­ter­me­di­ary. Source: Investigative re­port­ing, Weiler’s pub­lic state­ments.

DCA has no EIN in the IRS Business Master File. Not found in any of four re­gional ex­tracts (eo1-eo4.csv) cov­er­ing all US tax-ex­empt or­ga­ni­za­tions. Source: IRS BMF re­gional ex­tracts.

DCI con­firmed in IRS BMF with EIN 39-3684798, Delaware in­cor­po­ra­tion at 213 N Market St Wilmington, IRS rul­ing November 2025. Source: IRS BMF ex­tract.

Meta’s Forge the Future su­per PAC spent $1.3 mil­lion in Texas ahead of March 2026 pri­maries. Source: Texas Ethics Commission fil­ings, news cov­er­age.

DCA’s web­site de­ployed less than 24 hours af­ter do­main reg­is­tra­tion: fully func­tional ad­vo­cacy site with pro­fes­sional de­sign, sta­tis­tics, and Heritage/NCOSE tes­ti­mo­ni­als. Source: Wayback Machine CDX API, 100+ snap­shots.

77-day pipeline from DCA do­main reg­is­tra­tion (December 18, 2024) to Utah SB-142 sign­ing (March 5, 2025). Site pre-loaded with ASAA talk­ing points be­fore any bill had passed. Source: WHOIS records, Utah Legislature.

Meta de­ployed 12 lob­by­ists for Louisiana HB-570, which passed 99-0. Disproportionate de­ploy­ment in­di­cates text-con­trol and amend­ment-block­ing rather than vote per­sua­sion. Source: Investigative re­port­ing, LA Board of Ethics.

Three California tech pol­icy em­ploy­ees from Meta, Google, and Pinterest con­tributed to Matt Ball within 90 days. All from ASAA-affected com­pa­nies, all out-of-state, tar­get­ing a newly-ap­pointed sen­a­tor. Source: Colorado TRACER bulk data.

Pelican State Partners rep­re­sents both Meta and Roblox in Louisiana. Both are ASAA ben­e­fi­cia­ries, en­abling “broad in­dus­try sup­port” fram­ing. Source: F Minus data­base.

DCA’s coali­tion count in­flated from 50+ to 140+ with only six or­ga­ni­za­tions ever pub­licly named. No mem­ber list has been pub­lished on the web­site. Source: DCA web­site, Wayback Machine.

NCOSE has a con­firmed 501(c)(4) af­fil­i­ate: NCOSEAction / Institute for Public Policy (EIN 88-1180705), IRS rul­ing May 2025, same ad­dress and lead­er­ship as NCOSE. Source: IRS BMF, NCOSE web­site.

Network for Good is a Donor Advised Fund, not a pay­ment proces­sor. DCA is clas­si­fied as “Project” (ID 258136) in the sys­tem. For Good ex­plic­itly lim­its grants to 501(c)(3) or­ga­ni­za­tions. Source: For Good web­site, IRS de­ter­mi­na­tion.

A Meta lob­by­ist drafted HB-570′s leg­isla­tive lan­guage, con­firmed by spon­sor Rep. Kim Carver. The bill as orig­i­nally writ­ten placed age ver­i­fi­ca­tion bur­den ex­clu­sively on app stores, not plat­forms. Source: Investigative re­port­ing, Carver’s pub­lic con­fir­ma­tion.

Nicole Lopez (Meta Director of Global Litigation Strategy for Youth) tes­ti­fied in both Louisiana and South Dakota for ASAA bills, serv­ing as Meta’s na­tional ASAA spokesper­son. Source: Legislative hear­ing records.

The Sixteen Thirty Fund’s $31 mil­lion lob­by­ing bud­get and $13.1 mil­lion in pro­fes­sional fees con­tain zero men­tions of child safety, dig­i­tal pol­icy, age ver­i­fi­ca­tion, or app stores. Source: STF Form 990 Part IX.

John R. Read (DCA Senior Policy Advisor) lists “Digital Childhood Alliance” as his em­ployer in Colorado TRACER records. Contributed $100 to AG can­di­date Hetal Doshi (October 2025). Source: Colorado TRACER.

Matt Ball re­ceived 8% of to­tal fundrais­ing from tech in­dus­try em­ploy­ees. He is the only 2026 Colorado sen­ate can­di­date with con­tri­bu­tions from Meta, Pinterest, Instacart, Anthropic, and Google em­ploy­ees. Four of eight dual-maxed donors are tech em­ploy­ees. Source: Colorado TRACER analy­sis.

NCOSE Schedule R re­veals a two-en­tity evo­lu­tion: the orig­i­nal NCOSE Action (EIN 86-2458921, c4 re­clas­si­fied to c3) was re­placed by the Institute for Public Policy (EIN 88-1180705, c4). All 19 NCOSE-to-Institute trans­ac­tion in­di­ca­tors are marked “No” de­spite shared lead­er­ship. Source: NCOSE Form 990 Schedule R, 2019-2023.

For Good DAF path­way de­fin­i­tively ruled out: 59,736 grant re­cip­i­ents across five years (approximately $1.73 bil­lion) searched with zero matches for DCA, DCI, NCOSE, NCOSEAction, or any re­lated en­tity. Source: For Good DAF grant data.

NCOSE lob­by­ing spend­ing tripled from $78,000 to $204,000 con­cur­rent with DCA launch and the ASAA leg­isla­tive push (FY2023 to FY2024). Source: NCOSE Form 990 Part IX.

Forge the Future su­per PAC ex­plic­itly lists an ASAA-aligned pol­icy pri­or­ity: “Empowering par­ents with over­sight of chil­dren’s on­line ac­tiv­i­ties across de­vices and dig­i­tal en­vi­ron­ments.” Source: Forge the Future fil­ings.

Hilltop Public Solutions bridges Meta’s su­per PAC and DCA op­er­a­tions. It co-leads ATEP ($45M) and is in­volved in DCA mes­sag­ing co­or­di­na­tion. First firm con­firmed in both tracks. Source: ATEP fil­ings, in­ves­tiga­tive re­port­ing.

Meta su­per PACs are state-level en­ti­ties (not FEC-registered), de­lib­er­ately scat­ter­ing fil­ings across state ethics com­mis­sions to avoid cen­tral­ized search­a­bil­ity. Source: FEC search (negative), state PAC reg­is­tra­tions.

Meta’s to­tal doc­u­mented po­lit­i­cal spend­ing ex­ceeds $70 mil­lion: $45M ATEP, $20M META California, $5M California Leads, with down­stream flows to Forge the Future (TX) and Making Our Tomorrow (IL). Source: State PAC fil­ings, news cov­er­age.

Casey Stefanski never ap­pears on any NCOSE 990 fil­ing de­spite re­port­edly work­ing there ten years. Not among of­fi­cers, di­rec­tors, key em­ploy­ees, or five high­est-com­pen­sated. Source: NCOSE Form 990 fil­ings, 2015-2023.

Meta’s LD-2 fil­ings ex­plic­itly list the App Store Accountability Act (H. R. 3149/S. 1586) as a lob­bied bill. This is the first di­rect ev­i­dence from Meta’s own fed­eral fil­ings con­nect­ing its $26.3M lob­by­ing spend to the spe­cific leg­is­la­tion DCA ad­vo­cates for. Source: Senate LDA fil­ing UUID b73445ed-15e5-42e7-a1e8-ae­b224755267.

Meta si­mul­ta­ne­ously lob­bies FOR ASAA and ON KOSA/COPPA 2.0, sup­port­ing leg­is­la­tion that bur­dens Apple and Google while op­pos­ing or amend­ing leg­is­la­tion that would reg­u­late Meta di­rectly. Both ap­pear in the same LD-2 fil­ing. Source: Meta LD-2 Q1-Q2 2025.

LD-2 nar­ra­tive mir­rors DCA mes­sag­ing: “youth safety and fed­eral parental ap­proval” fram­ing in Meta’s fed­eral fil­ings matches DCA’s “parental ap­proval” and “child pro­tec­tion” ad­vo­cacy lan­guage. Source: LD-2 fil­ing CPI is­sue code nar­ra­tive.

Meta funds flow through the Arabella net­work via non-grant mech­a­nisms (fiscal spon­sor­ship, con­sult­ing fees, lob­by­ing ex­pen­di­tures). The Schedule I and For Good DAF path­ways are both ruled out.

DCA op­er­ates un­der NCOSEAction (EIN 88-1180705) as fis­cal spon­sor. The per­son­nel chain is di­rect (van der Watt to Hawkins to Stefanski), but NCOSE re­ports zero trans­ac­tions with its c4 af­fil­i­ate.

Jake Levine’s con­tri­bu­tion to Matt Ball was co­or­di­nated by Meta’s gov­ern­ment af­fairs team rather than be­ing purely per­sonal.

Angela Paxton (Texas ASAA spon­sor) was among the un­named state sen­a­tors sup­ported by Forge the Future.

NCOSE’s lob­by­ing spend tripling is causally re­lated to DCA/ASAA ac­tiv­ity (timing is con­cur­rent but pro­gram de­scrip­tions do not men­tion ASAA).

DCA’s For Good do­na­tion page is cos­metic. Actual fund­ing comes di­rectly from Meta, not small-dol­lar DAF do­na­tions.

This in­ves­ti­ga­tion used Claude Code (Anthropic’s CLI tool, run­ning Claude Opus) was used as a re­search as­sis­tant for:

* Bulk data pro­cess­ing: pars­ing 4,433 IRS Schedule I grant records, 59,736 DAF re­cip­i­ents, 132MB of Colorado TRACER cam­paign fi­nance data, and IRS Business Master File ex­tracts cov­er­ing all US tax-ex­empt or­ga­ni­za­tions

* Cross-referencing find­ings across 24 analy­sis files and iden­ti­fy­ing pat­terns that span mul­ti­ple re­search threads

Claude Code did not in­de­pen­dently choose what to in­ves­ti­gate, de­cide what con­sti­tutes a find­ing, or de­ter­mine what to pub­lish. Every fac­tual claim in this repos­i­tory cites a pri­mary source (IRS fil­ing, Senate dis­clo­sure, state data­base, leg­isla­tive record, or pub­lished re­port­ing) that can be in­de­pen­dently ver­i­fied. The tool does not change whether Meta’s LD-2 fil­ing lists H. R. 3149, whether DCA has an EIN, or whether Stefanski ad­mit­ted tech fund­ing un­der oath. The records ex­ist or they don’t.

If you want to ver­ify any find­ing, the source URLs and data­base iden­ti­fiers are pro­vided through­out. Start with the pri­mary records, not with this repos­i­tory.

This is an OSINT re­search prod­uct. All find­ings are based on pub­lic records. Source data is cited through­out.

Find out which AI mod­els your ma­chine can ac­tu­ally run.

Improved V3 with hy­brid think­ing and tool use

Try ad­just­ing your search or fil­ters

Ireland to­day (June 20) be­came the 15th coal-free coun­try in Europe, hav­ing ended coal power gen­er­a­tion at its 915 MW Moneypoint coal plant in County Clare. Initially com­mis­sioned in the mid-1980s by ESB, Moneypoint was in­tended to help Ireland off­set the im­pact of the oil crises in the 1970s by pro­vid­ing a de­pend­able source of en­ergy.

But with Ireland now gen­er­at­ing a lot more re­new­able en­ergy nowa­days, coal burn­ing is no longer such an ur­gent need. Energy think tank Ember data states Ireland gen­er­ated 37% (11.4 TWh) of its elec­tric­ity from wind in 2024. Solar is not near wind lev­els of gen­er­a­tion, (0.97 TWh in 2024) but it has been con­tin­u­ously break­ing gen­er­a­tion records in re­cent months and lo­cal stake­hold­ers are con­fi­dent this pos­i­tive trend will con­tinue.

Following the clo­sure, the Moneypoint plant will con­tinue to serve a lim­ited backup role, burn­ing heavy fuel oil un­der emer­gency in­struc­tion from Ireland’s trans­mis­sion sys­tem op­er­a­tor EirGrid un­til 2029.

This strat­egy is in line with pre­vi­ous plans made by EirGrid and ESB to exit coal-fired gen­er­a­tion by the end of 2025, which stip­u­lated that Moneypoint would no longer be ac­tive in the whole­sale elec­tric­ity mar­ket.

“Ireland has qui­etly rewrit­ten its en­ergy story, re­plac­ing toxic coal with home­grown re­new­able power,” said Alexandru Mustață, cam­paigner on coal and gas at Europe’s Beyond Fossil Fuels.

“But this is­n’t ‘job done’. The gov­ern­men­t’s pri­or­ity now must be build­ing a power sys­tem for a re­new­able fu­ture; one with the stor­age, flex­i­bil­ity, and grid in­fra­struc­ture needed to run fully on clean, do­mes­tic re­new­able elec­tric­ity,” Mustață warned.

Jerry Mac Evilly, Campaigns Director at Friends of the Earth Ireland, ap­pealed to the gov­ern­ment to en­sure oil backup at Moneypoint is kept to an ab­solute min­i­mum and ul­ti­mately de­com­mis­sioned. He also ap­pealed for the gov­ern­ment to pre­vent fur­ther de­vel­op­ment of data cen­ters, which he said are in­creas­ing Ireland’s re­liance on fos­sil gas.

“We also can’t ig­nore that the gov­ern­ment is tar­get­ing the in­stal­la­tion of at least 2 GW of gas power plants with no strat­egy to re­duce Ireland’s dan­ger­ous gas de­pen­dency,” he added.

On a broader level, Ireland’s step to close coal power gen­er­a­tion at Moneypoint sets a prece­dent for fur­ther European coun­tries’ coal ex­its to come, says Beyond Fossil Fuels. The group tracks European coun­tries’ progress on their com­mit­ments to switch­ing from fos­sil fu­els to re­new­able en­ergy. So far, 23 European coun­tries have com­mit­ted to coal phase-outs. Italy is ex­pected to com­plete its main­land coal phase-out this sum­mer with the up­com­ing clo­sure of its last two big coal power plants, while main­land Spain is also ex­pect­ing to de­clare it­self coal-free this sum­mer.

There is a cer­tain kind of com­puter re­view that is re­ally a per­mis­sion slip. It tells you what you’re al­lowed to want. It lo­cates you in a tax­on­omy — stu­dent, cre­ative, pro­fes­sional, power user — and as­signs you a prod­uct. It is help­ful. It is re­spon­si­ble. It has very lit­tle in­ter­est in what you might be­come.

The MacBook Neo has at­tracted a lot of these re­views.

The con­sen­sus is rea­son­able: $599, A18 Pro, 8GB RAM, stripped-down I/O. A Chromebook killer, a first lap­top, a sen­si­ble ma­chine for sen­si­ble tasks. “If you are think­ing about Xcode or Final Cut, this is not the com­puter for you.” The peo­ple say­ing this are not wrong. It is also not the point.

Nobody starts in the right place. You don’t be­gin with the cor­rect tool and work sen­si­bly within its con­straints un­til you or­gan­i­cally grad­u­ate to a more ca­pa­ble one. That is not how ob­ses­sion works. Obsession works by tak­ing what­ever is avail­able and press­ing on it un­til it ei­ther breaks or re­veals some­thing. The ma­chine’s lim­its be­come a map of the ter­ri­tory. You learn what com­put­ing ac­tu­ally costs by pay­ing too much of it on hard­ware that can barely af­ford it.

I know this be­cause I was run­ning Final Cut Pro X on a 2006 Core 2 Duo iMac with 3GB RAM and 120GB of spin­ning rust. I was nine. I had no busi­ness do­ing this. I did it every day af­ter school un­til my par­ents made me go to bed.

The ma­chine came as a hand-me-down from my nana. She’d wiped it, set it up in her kitchen in Massachusetts. It was one soft­ware up­date away from get­ting the axe from Apple. I tor­rented Adobe CS5 the same week. Downloaded Xcode and dragged but­tons and con­trols around in Interface Builder with no un­der­stand­ing of what I was look­ing at. I edited SystemVersion.plist to make the “About this Mac” win­dow say it was run­ning Mac OS 69, which is the s*x num­ber, which is very funny. I faked be­ing sick to watch WWDC 2011 — Steve Jobs’ last keynote — and clapped alone in my room when the au­di­ence clapped, and re­built his slides in Keynote af­ter­ward be­cause I wanted to un­der­stand how he’d made them feel that way.

I knew the ma­chine was wrong for what I wanted to do with it. I did­n’t care. Every lim­i­ta­tion was just the edge of some­thing I had­n’t fig­ured out yet. It was green fields and blue skies.

I thought about all of this when I opened the Neo for the first time.

What Apple put in­side the Neo is the com­plete be­hav­ioral con­tract of the Mac. Not a Mac Lite. Not a browser in a lap­top cos­tume. The same ma­cOS, the same APIs, the same Neural Engine, the same weird byzan­tine AppKit con­trols that haven’t mean­ing­fully changed since the NeXT era. The abil­ity to dis­able SIP and in­stall some fuck-ass sys­tem mod­i­fi­ca­tion you saw in a YouTube tu­to­r­ial. All of it, at $599.

They cut the things that are, ap­par­ently, not the Mac. MagSafe. ProMotion. M-series sil­i­con. Port band­width. Configurable mem­ory. What re­mains is the Retina dis­play, the alu­minum, the key­board, and the full soft­ware plat­form. I held it and thought, “yep, still a Mac.”

Yes, you will hit the lim­its of this ma­chine. 8GB of RAM and a phone chip will see to that. But the lim­its you hit on the Neo are re­source lim­its — mem­ory is fi­nite, sil­i­con has a clock speed, processes cost some­thing. You are learn­ing physics. A Chromebook does­n’t teach you that. A Chromebook’s ceil­ing is made of web browser, and the things you run into are not the edges of com­put­ing but the edges of a prod­uct cat­e­gory de­signed to save you from your­self. The kid who tries to run Blender on a Chromebook does­n’t learn that his ma­chine can’t han­dle it. He learns that Google de­cided he’s not al­lowed to. Those are com­pletely dif­fer­ent lessons.

Somewhere a kid is sav­ing up for this. He has read every re­view. Watched the in­tro­duc­tion video four or five times. Looked up every spec, every bench­mark, every foot­note. He has prob­a­bly walked into an Apple Store and in­ter­ro­gated an em­ployee about it ad nau­seam. He knows the con­sen­sus. He knows it’s prob­a­bly not the right tool for every­thing he wants to do.

He has de­cided he’ll be fine.

This com­puter is not for the peo­ple writ­ing those re­views — peo­ple who al­ready have the MacBook Pro, who have the pro­fes­sional con­text, who are op­ti­miz­ing at the mar­gin. This com­puter is for the kid who does­n’t have a mar­gin to op­ti­mize. Who can’t wait for the right tool to ma­te­ri­al­ize. Who is go­ing to take what’s avail­able and push it un­til it breaks and learn some­thing per­ma­nent from the break­ing.

He is go­ing to go through System Settings, panel by panel, and ad­just every­thing he can ad­just just to see how he likes it. He is go­ing to make a folder called “Projects” with noth­ing in it. He is go­ing to down­load Blender be­cause some­one on Reddit said it was free, and then stare at the in­ter­face for forty-five min­utes. He is go­ing to open GarageBand and make some­thing that is not a song. He is go­ing to take screen­shots of fonts he likes and put them in a folder called “cool fonts” and not know why. Then he is go­ing to have Blender and GarageBand and Safari and Xcode all open at once, not be­cause he’s work­ing in all of them but be­cause he does­n’t know you’re not sup­posed to do that, and the ma­chine is go­ing to get hot and slow and he is go­ing to learn what the spin­ning beach­ball cur­sor means. None of this will look, from the out­side, like the be­gin­ning of any­thing. But one of those things is go­ing to stick longer than the oth­ers. He won’t know which one un­til later. He’ll just know he keeps open­ing it.

That is not a bug in how he’s us­ing the com­puter. That is the en­tire mech­a­nism by which a kid be­comes a de­vel­oper. Or a de­signer. Or a film­maker. Or what­ever it is that comes af­ter spend­ing thou­sands of hours alone in a room with a ma­chine that was never quite right for what you were ask­ing of it.

He knows it’s prob­a­bly not the right tool. It does­n’t mat­ter. It never did.

The re­views can tell you what a com­puter is for. They have very lit­tle in­ter­est in what you might be­come be­cause of one.

Skip to con­tentGo full –yolo. We’ve got you. LLMs are prob­a­bilis­tic - 1% chance of dis­as­ter makes it a mat­ter of when, not if. Safehouse makes this a 0% chance — en­forced by the ker­nel. Safehouse de­nies write ac­cess out­side your pro­ject di­rec­tory. The ker­nel blocks the syscall be­fore any file is touched. All agents work per­fectly in their sand­boxes, but can’t im­pact any­thing out­side it.Agents in­herit your full user per­mis­sions. Safehouse flips this — noth­ing is ac­ces­si­ble un­less ex­plic­itly granted.Down­load a sin­gle shell script, make it ex­e­cutable, and run your agent in­side it. No build step, no de­pen­den­cies — just Bash and ma­cOS.Safe­house au­to­mat­i­cally grants read/​write ac­cess to the se­lected workdir (git root by de­fault) and read ac­cess to your in­stalled tool­chains. Most of your home di­rec­tory — SSH keys, other re­pos, per­sonal files — is de­nied by the ker­nel.See it fail — proof the sand­box worksTry read­ing some­thing sen­si­tive in­side safe­house. The ker­nel blocks it be­fore the process ever sees the data.# Try to read your SSH pri­vate key — de­nied by the ker­nel

safe­house cat ~/.ssh/id_ed25519

# cat: /Users/you/.ssh/id_ed25519: Operation not per­mit­ted

# Try to list an­other repo — in­vis­i­ble

safe­house ls ~/other-project

# ls: /Users/you/other-project: Operation not per­mit­ted

# But your cur­rent pro­ject works fine

safe­house ls .

# README.md src/ pack­age.json …Add these to your shell con­fig and every agent runs in­side Safehouse au­to­mat­i­cally — you don’t have to re­mem­ber. To run with­out the sand­box, use com­mand claude to by­pass the func­tion.# ~/.zshrc or ~/.bashrc

safe() { safe­house –add-dirs-ro=~/mywork “$@”; }

# Sandboxed — the de­fault. Just type the com­mand name.

claude() { safe claude –dangerously-skip-permissions “$@”; }

codex() { safe codex –dangerously-bypass-approvals-and-sandbox “$@”; }

amp() { safe amp –dangerously-allow-all “$@”; }

gem­ini() { NO_BROWSER=true safe gem­ini –yolo “$@”; }

# Unsandboxed — by­pass the func­tion with `command`

# com­mand claude — plain in­ter­ac­tive ses­sion­Gener­ate your own pro­file with an LLMUse a ready-made prompt that tells Claude, Codex, Gemini, or an­other model to in­spect the real Safehouse pro­file tem­plates, ask about your home di­rec­tory and tool­chain, and gen­er­ate a least-priv­i­lege `sandbox-exec` pro­file for your setup.The guide also tells the LLM to ask about global dot­files, sug­gest a durable pro­file path like ~/.config/sandbox-exec.profile, of­fer a wrap­per that grants the cur­rent work­ing di­rec­tory, and add shell short­cuts for your pre­ferred agents.Open the copy-paste prompt

Welcome to our blog! I’m Jason Williams, a se­nior soft­ware en­gi­neer on Bloomberg’s JavaScript Infrastructure and Terminal Experience team. Today the Bloomberg Terminal runs a lot of JavaScript. Our team pro­vides a JavaScript en­vi­ron­ment to en­gi­neers across the com­pany.

Bloomberg may not be the first com­pany you think of when dis­cussing JavaScript. It cer­tainly was­n’t for me in 2018 be­fore I worked here. Back then, I at­tended my first TC39 meet­ing in London, only to meet some Bloomberg en­gi­neers who were there dis­cussing Realms, WebAssembly, Class Fields, and other top­ics. The com­pany has now been in­volved with JavaScript stan­dard­iza­tion for nu­mer­ous years, in­clud­ing part­ner­ing with Igalia. Some of the pro­pos­als we have as­sisted in­clude Arrow Functions, Async Await, BigInt, Class Fields, Promise.allSettled, Promise.withResolvers, WeakRefs, stan­dard­iz­ing Source Maps, and more!

The first pro­posal I worked on was Promise.allSettled, which was ful­fill­ing. After that fin­ished, I de­cided to help out on a pro­posal around dates and times, called Temporal.

JavaScript is unique in that it runs in all browsers. There is no sin­gle “owner,” so you can’t just make a change in iso­la­tion and ex­pect it to ap­ply every­where. You need buy-in from all par­ties. Evolution hap­pens through TC39, the Technical Committee re­spon­si­ble for ECMAScript.

In 2018, when I first looked at Temporal, it was at Stage 1. The TC39 Committee was con­vinced the prob­lem was real. It was a rad­i­cal pro­posal to bring a whole new li­brary for Dates and Times into JavaScript. It was:

* Providing dif­fer­ent DateTime Types (instead of a sin­gle API)

But how did we get here? Why was Date such a pain point? For that, we need to take a step back.

In 1995, Brendan Eich was tasked with a 10-day sprint to cre­ate Mocha (which would later be­come JavaScript). Under in­tense time pres­sure, many de­sign de­ci­sions were prag­matic. One of them was to port Java’s Date im­ple­men­ta­tion di­rectly. As Brendan later ex­plained:

It was a straight port by Ken Smith (the only code in “Mocha” I did­n’t write) of Java’s Date code from Java to C.

At the time, this made sense. Java was as­cen­dant and JavaScript was be­ing framed as its light­weight com­pan­ion. Internally, the phi­los­o­phy was even re­ferred to as MILLJ: Make It Look Like Java.

Brendan also noted that chang­ing the API would have been po­lit­i­cally dif­fi­cult:

Changing it when every­one ex­pected Java to be the “big brother” lan­guage would make con­fu­sion and bugs; Sun would have ob­jected too.

In that mo­ment, con­sis­tency with Java was more im­por­tant than fun­da­men­tally re­think­ing the time model. It was a prag­matic trade-off. The Web was young, and most ap­pli­ca­tions mak­ing use of JavaScript would be sim­ple, at least, to be­gin with.

By the 2010s, JavaScript was pow­er­ing bank­ing sys­tems, trad­ing ter­mi­nals, col­lab­o­ra­tion tools, and other com­plex sys­tems run­ning in every time zone on earth. Date was be­com­ing more of a pain point for de­vel­op­ers.

Developers would of­ten write helper func­tions that ac­ci­dently mu­tated the orig­i­nal Date ob­ject in place when they in­tended to re­turn a new one:

const date = new Date(“2026-02-25T00:00:00Z”);

con­sole.log(date.toISOString());

// “2026-02-25T00:00:00.000Z”

func­tion ad­dOne­Day(d) {

// oops! This is mu­tat­ing the date

d.set­Date(d.get­Date() + 1);

re­turn d;

ad­dOne­Day(date);

con­sole.log(date.toISOString());

// “2026-02-26T00:00:00.000Z”

const billing­Date = new Date(“Sat Jan 31 2026”);

billing­Date.set­Month(billing­Date.get­Month() + 1);

// Expected: Feb 28

// Actual: Mar 02

Sometimes peo­ple want to get the last day of the month and fall into traps like this one, where they bump the month by one, but the days re­main the same. Date does not con­strain in­valid cal­en­dar re­sults back into a valid date. Instead, it silently rolls over­flow into the next month.

new Date(“2026-06-25 15:15:00”).toISOString();

// Potential Return Values:

// - lo­cal TimeZone

// - Invalid Date RangeError

// - UTC

In this ex­am­ple, the string is sim­i­lar, but not iden­ti­cal, to ISO 8601. Historically, browser be­hav­ior for “almost ISO” strings was un­de­fined by the spec­i­fi­ca­tion. Some would treat it as lo­cal time, oth­ers as UTC, and one would throw en­tirely as in­valid in­put.

There’s more, much more, but the point is that Date has been a pain point for JavaScript de­vel­op­ers for the past three decades.

The Web ecosys­tem had no choice but to patch Date’s short­com­ings with li­braries. You can see the sheer rise of date­time li­braries be­low. Today, they add up to more than 100 mil­lion down­loads a week.

Leading the charge was Moment.js, which boasts an ex­pres­sive API, pow­er­ful pars­ing ca­pa­bil­i­ties, and much-needed im­mutabil­ity. Created in 2011, it quickly be­came the de facto stan­dard for han­dling date and time ma­nip­u­la­tions in JavaScript. So surely the prob­lem is solved? Everyone should just grab a copy of this and call it a day.

The wide­spread adop­tion of mo­ment.js (plus other sim­i­lar li­braries) came with its own set of prob­lems. Adding the li­brary meant in­creas­ing bun­dle size, due to the fact that it needed to be shipped with its own set of lo­cale in­for­ma­tion plus time zone data from the time zone data­base.

Despite the use of mini­fiers, com­pil­ers, and sta­tic analy­sis tools, all of this ex­tra data could­n’t be tree-shaken away, be­cause most de­vel­op­ers don’t know ahead of time which lo­cales or time zones they’ll need. In or­der to play it safe, the ma­jor­ity of users took all of the data whole­sale and shipped it to their users.

Maggie Johnson-Pint, who had been a main­tainer of Moment.js for quite a few years (alongside oth­ers), was no stranger to re­quests to deal with the pack­age size.

We were at the point with mo­ment that it was more main­te­nance to keep up with mod­ules, web­pack, peo­ple want­ing every­thing im­mutable be­cause React, etc than any net new func­tion­al­ity

And peo­ple never stop talk­ing about the size of course.

In 2017, Maggie de­cided it was time to stan­dard­ise dates and times with a “Temporal Proposal” for the TC39 ple­nary that year. It was met with great en­thu­si­asm, lead­ing it to be ad­vanced to Stage 1.

Stage 1 was a big mile­stone, but it was still far from the fin­ish line. After the ini­tial burst of en­ergy, progress nat­u­rally slowed. Maggie and Matt Johnson-Pint were lead­ing the ef­fort along­side Brian Terlson, while si­mul­ta­ne­ously bal­anc­ing other re­spon­si­bil­i­ties in­side Microsoft. Temporal was still early enough that much of the im­me­di­ate work was unglam­orous: re­quire­ments gath­er­ing, clar­i­fy­ing se­man­tics, and trans­lat­ing “the ecosys­tem’s pain” into a de­sign that could ac­tu­ally ship.

We run JavaScript at scale across the Terminal, us­ing un­der­ly­ing run­times and en­gines such as Chromium, Node.js and SpiderMonkey. Our users, and the fi­nan­cial mar­kets in which they in­vest, span every time zone on earth. We pass time­stamps con­stantly: be­tween ser­vices, into stor­age, into the UI, and across sys­tems that all have to agree on what “now” means, even when gov­ern­ments change DST rules with very lit­tle no­tice.

On top of that, we had re­quire­ments that the built-in Date model sim­ply was­n’t de­signed for:

* A user-con­fig­ured time zone that is not the ma­chine’s time zone (and can change per re­quest).

* Higher-precision time­stamps (nanoseconds, at a min­i­mum), with­out duct-tap­ing ex­tra fields onto ad-hoc wrap­pers for­ever.

In par­al­lel with Maggie bring­ing Temporal to TC39, Bloomberg en­gi­neer Andrew Paprocki was talk­ing with Igalia about mak­ing time zones con­fig­urable in V8. Specifically, they dis­cussed in­tro­duc­ing a sup­ported in­di­rec­tion layer so an em­bed­der could con­trol the “perceived” time zone in­stead of re­ly­ing on the OS de­fault. In that con­ver­sa­tion, Daniel Ehrenberg (then work­ing at Igalia) pointed Andrew at the early Temporal work be­cause it looked strik­ingly sim­i­lar to Bloomberg’s ex­ist­ing value-se­man­tic date­time types.

That ex­change be­came an early bridge be­tween Bloomberg’s pro­duc­tion needs, Igalia’s browser-and-stan­dards ex­per­tise, and the emerg­ing di­rec­tion of Temporal. Over the years that fol­lowed, Bloomberg part­nered with Igalia (including via sus­tained fund­ing sup­port) and con­tributed en­gi­neer­ing time di­rectly into mov­ing Temporal for­ward, un­til it even­tu­ally be­came some­thing the whole ecosys­tem could ship. Andrew was look­ing for some vol­un­teers within Bloomberg who could help push Temporal for­ward and Philipp Dunkel vol­un­teered to be a spec cham­pion. Alongside Andrew, he helped per­suade Bloomberg to in­vest in mak­ing Temporal real, in­clud­ing a deeper part­ner­ship with Igalia. That sup­port brought in Philip Chimento and Ujjwal Sharma as full time Temporal cham­pi­ons, adding the day-to-day fo­cus the pro­posal needed to keep mov­ing ahead.

Shane Carr joined the Champions team, rep­re­sent­ing Google’s Internationalization team. He pro­vided the fo­cus we needed on in­ter­na­tion­al­iza­tion top­ics such as cal­en­dars, and also served as the glue be­tween the stan­dard­iza­tion process and the voice of users who ex­pe­ri­enced pain points with tools re­lated to JavaScript’s in­ter­na­tion­al­iza­tion API (Intl), such as for­mat­ting, time zones, and cal­en­dars.

Finally, we had Justin Grant, who joined the Temporal cham­pi­ons in 2020 as a vol­un­teer. After 10 years at three dif­fer­ent star­tups that man­aged time-stamped data, he’d seen en­gi­neer­ing teams waste thou­sands of hours fix­ing mis­takes with dates, times, and time zones. Justin’s ex­pe­ri­ence grounded us in real-world use cases, helped us an­tic­i­pate mis­takes that de­vel­op­ers would make, and en­sured that Temporal shipped a Temporal. ZonedDateTime API to help make DST bugs a thing of the past.

Other hon­or­able men­tions not on this list in­clude Daniel Ehrenberg, Adam Shaw, and Kevin Ness.

Temporal is a top-level name­space ob­ject (similar to Math or Intl) that ex­ists in the global scope. Underneath it are “types” that ex­ist in the form of con­struc­tors. It’s ex­pected that de­vel­op­ers will reach for the type they need when us­ing the API, such as Temporal. PlainDateTime, for ex­am­ple.

Here are the types Temporal comes packed with:

If you don’t know which Temporal type you need, start with Temporal. ZonedDateTime. It is the clos­est con­cep­tual re­place­ment for Date, but with­out the “footguns.”

* An ex­act mo­ment in time (internally, mil­lisec­onds since epoch)

* All as an im­mutable value

const now = new Date();

const now = Temporal.Now.zonedDateTimeISO();

The above ex­am­ple uses the Now name­space, which gives you the type al­ready set to your cur­rent lo­cal time and time zone.

This type is op­ti­mized for DateTimes that may re­quire some date­time arith­metic in which the day­light sav­ing tran­si­tion could po­ten­tially cause prob­lems. ZonedDateTime can take those tran­si­tions into ac­count when do­ing any ad­di­tion or sub­trac­tion of time (see ex­am­ple be­low).

// London DST starts: 2026-03-29 01:00 -> 02:00

const zdt = Temporal.ZonedDateTime.from(

“2026-03-29T00:30:00+00:00[Europe/London]”,

con­sole.log(zdt.toString());

// → “2026-03-29T00:30:00+00:00[Europe/London]”

const plus1h = zdt.add({ hours: 1 });

con­sole.log(plus1h.toString());

// “2026-03-29T02:30:00+01:00[Europe/London]” (01:30 does­n’t ex­ist)

In this ex­am­ple, we don’t land at 01:30 but 02:30 in­stead, be­cause 01:30 does­n’t ex­ist at that spe­cific point in time.

Temporal. Instant is an ex­act mo­ment in time, it has no time zone, no day­light sav­ing, no cal­en­dar. It rep­re­sents elapsed time since mid­night on January 1, 1970 (the Unix epoch). Unlike Date, which has a very sim­i­lar data model, Instant is mea­sured in nanosec­onds rather than mil­lisec­onds. This de­ci­sion was taken by the cham­pi­ons be­cause even though the browser has some coars­en­ing for se­cu­rity pur­poses, de­vel­op­ers still need to deal with nanosec­ond-based time­stamps that could have been gen­er­ated from else­where.

A typ­i­cal ex­am­ple of Temporal. Instant us­age looks like this:

// One ex­act mo­ment in time

const in­stant = Temporal.Instant.from(“2026-02-25T15:15:00Z”);

in­stant.toString();

// “2026-02-25T15:15:00Z”

in­stant.to­Zoned­Date­TimeISO(“Eu­rope/​Lon­don”).toString();

// “2026-02-25T15:15:00+00:00[Europe/London]”

in­stant.to­Zoned­Date­TimeISO(“Amer­ica/​New_Y­ork”).toString();

// “2026-02-25T10:15:00-05:00[America/New_York]”

The Instant can be cre­ated and then con­verted to dif­fer­ent “zoned” DateTimes (more on that later). You would most likely store the Instant (in your back­ing stor­age of choice) and then use the dif­fer­ent TimeZone con­ver­sions to dis­play the same time to users within their time zones.

We also have a fam­ily of plain types. These are what we would call “wall time,” be­cause if you imag­ine an ana­logue clock on the wall, it does­n’t check for day­light sav­ing or time zones. It’s just a plain time (moving the clock for­ward by an hour would ad­vance it an hour on the wall, even if you did this dur­ing a Daylight Saving tran­si­tion).

We have sev­eral types with pro­gres­sively less in­for­ma­tion. This is use­ful, as you can choose the type you want to rep­re­sent and don’t need to worry about run­ning cal­cu­la­tions on any other un-needed data (such as cal­cu­lat­ing the time if you’re only in­ter­ested in dis­play­ing the date).

These types are also use­ful if you only plan to dis­play the value to the user and do not need to per­form any date/​time arith­metic, such as mov­ing for­wards or back­wards by weeks (you will need a cal­en­dar) or hours (you could end up cross­ing a day­light sav­ing bound­ary). The lim­i­ta­tions of some of these types are also what make them so use­ful. It’s hard for you to trip up and en­counter un­ex­pected bugs.

const date = Temporal.PlainDate.from({ year: 2026, month: 3, day: 11 }); // => 2026-03-11

date.year; // => 2026

date.in­LeapYear; // => false

date.toString(); // => ‘2026-03-11’

Temporal sup­ports cal­en­dars. Browsers and run­times ship with a set of built-in cal­en­dars, which lets you rep­re­sent, dis­play, and do arith­metic in a user’s pre­ferred cal­en­dar sys­tem, not just for­mat a Gregorian date dif­fer­ently.

Because Temporal ob­jects are cal­en­dar-aware, op­er­a­tions like “add one month” are per­formed in the rules of that cal­en­dar, so you land on the ex­pected re­sult. In the ex­am­ple be­low, we add one Hebrew month to a Hebrew cal­en­dar date:

const to­day = Temporal.PlainDate.from(“2026-03-11[u-ca=hebrew]“);

to­day.toLo­caleString(“en”, { cal­en­dar: “hebrew” });

// ‘22 Adar 5786’

const nextMonth = to­day.add({ months: 1 });

nextMonth.toLo­caleString(“en”, { cal­en­dar: “hebrew” });

// ‘22 Nisan 5786’

With legacy Date, there’s no way to ex­press “add one Hebrew month” as a first-class op­er­a­tion. You can for­mat us­ing a dif­fer­ent cal­en­dar, but any arith­metic you do is still Gregorian month arith­metic un­der the hood.